“Those left standing were too few to resist. We were told to lay down our arms and we had no choice but to comply. But the enemy was not sated by this gesture. ‘Kneel,’ we were told, ‘kneel and swear fealty to your conquerors.’ That we would not do. That would dishonor our heroic commander, it would dishonor Elysea, and it would dishonor our duties as Daevas. For our disobedience, we were massacred, the last of our defense joining Deltras in death. But death could not hold us long. We were of the spirit realm, but we would not leave this place where Deltras’ aion power leveling packages
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and he quickly accepted. David was, in political language, a “two-fer”: besides managing thoverall campaign, he would be a special help in Illinois. I was convinced that, with David as campaign manager, along with Kevin O’Keefe as a state organizer, we could now win a clear victory in Illinois to follow up on the anticipated sweep of the southern states on Super Tuesday. Soon afterward, we also persuaded another young Chicagoan, Rahm Emanuel, to join our campaign. Rahm had worked with Wilhelm in the successful campaigns of Mayor Richard Daley and Senator Paul Simon. He was a slight, intense man who had studied balland, though an American citizen, ha
e
et
d served in the Israeli Army. Rahm was so aggressive he
made me look laid-back. We made him finance director, a job in which an underfunded
zations,
d require her to handle more incoming fire than she possibly could
have anticipated. Though she was very young, she rose to the challenge. Stephanie Solien,
On the financial front, we made do in the beginning with generous early help from Arkansans,
d me
ld
e an
told
me he had been a Republican because he thought the Democrats had a heart but their head
ught
b
w
ition to money-raising and organizing, I had to reach out to constituencies that were
predominantly Democratic. In October, I spoke to aAmerican oil painting ,
Angel oil painting ,
Ballet oil painting,
Battle and War oil painting ,
Boats and Ships oil painting,
Cartoon oil painting,
Chinese style oil painting ,
Christmas oil painting,
Dance oil painting,
Family oil painting ,
Paris Street oil painting,
Piano oil painting,
Pop art oil painting,
Portraits oil painting ,
Religion oil painting ,
Romantic oil painting,
Sport oil painting ,
Storefront oil painting ,
Venice oil painting,
Watercolor oil painting
Jewish group in Texas, saying that Israel
in
campaign needs an aggressor. Craig Smith went to work on our state campaign organia job better suited to his considerable political skills. Soon Bruce Reed left the Democratic Leadership Council to become our policy director. Eli also interviewed two women who would play important roles in the campaign. Dee Dee Myers from California became theAnimal oil painting,
Floral oil painting,
Landscape oil painting ,
Nude oil painting
Seascape oil painting,
Streetscape oil painting,
Sunflower oil painting ,
Still Life oil painting ,
Artists oil painting ,
African oil painting , press secretary, a job that woul
from Washington State, became our political director. She was married to Frank Greer, but that’s not why I hired her. Stephanie was smart, politically astute, and less hard-edged than most of the boys. She provided both the good work and the good chemistry every high-tension effort needs. As the campaign progressed, young people from all over America just showed up to pick up the extra load.
Bob Farmer’s efforts in Massachusetts and with regular Democratic donors who would givejust because he asked them, and donations from friends around the country that helpequalify for matching funds from the federal government. To do that, a candidate must raise $5,000 in each of twenty states, in amounts not exceeding $250 per contribution. In some states, my governor friends took care of it. In Texas, my longtime supporter Truman Arnoraised a much-needed $30,000. Unlike many wealthy people, Truman seemed to becomeven more committed Democrat as he got richer. Somewhat surprisingly, a lot of people in the Washington, D.C., area wanted to help, in particular Democratic lawyer and fund-raiser Vic Raiser and my friend from Renaissance Weekend Tom Schnieder. In New York, I got invaluable early help not only from our friendsHarold Ickes and Susan Thomases but also from Ken Brody, a Goldman Sachs executive who decided he wanted to get heavily involved in Democratic politics for the first time. Ken
was in the wrong place. Then, he said, he had gotten close enough to oil painting,
oil paintings,
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handmade oil paintings,
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Painting From Photo ,
Painting From Photo ,
oil painting wholesale,
wholesale oil painting,
Michael Jackson painting,
Michael Jackson paintings,
Decorative painting,
Group painting,
Abstract oil painting,
Impressionism oil painting,the national Republicansto see that they had a head but no heart, and decided to join the Democrats because he thoit was easier to change minds than hearts, and luckily for me, he figured I was the best placeto start. Ken took me to a dinner with high-powered New York businesspeople, including BoRubin, whose tightly reasoned arguments for a new economic policy made a lasting impression on me. In every successful political campaign, people like Ken Brody somehoappear, bringing energy, ideas, and converts. In add
should trade land for peace; to blacks and Hispanics in Chicago; and to Democratic Party groups in Tennessee, Maine, New Jersey, and California, all of which were considered swing states, meaning they could go either way in the general election. In November, I spokeMemphis to the convention of the Church of God in Christ, America’s fastest-growing black
300
As she set off, she realized that to pay tribute to Deltras was to pay tribute to all those fallen in the war that pitted one race against another – those on both sides of the conflict. Certainly the war would not end any time soon, but what were they fighting for? There was beauty and wonder in Asmodae, as much as there was in Elysea. What was it that set the Asmodians and Elyos against each other? Where was the source of the hatred truly to beaion power leveling
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and he quickly accepted. David was, in political language, a “two-fer”: besides managing thoverall campaign, he would be a special help in Illinois. I was convinced that, with David as campaign manager, along with Kevin O’Keefe as a state organizer, we could now win a clear victory in Illinois to follow up on the anticipated sweep of the southern states on Super Tuesday. Soon afterward, we also persuaded another young Chicagoan, Rahm Emanuel, to join our campaign. Rahm had worked with Wilhelm in the successful campaigns of Mayor Richard Daley and Senator Paul Simon. He was a slight, intense man who had studied balland, though an American citizen, ha
e
et
d served in the Israeli Army. Rahm was so aggressive he
made me look laid-back. We made him finance director, a job in which an underfunded
zations,
d require her to handle more incoming fire than she possibly could
have anticipated. Though she was very young, she rose to the challenge. Stephanie Solien,
On the financial front, we made do in the beginning with generous early help from Arkansans,
d me
ld
e an
told
me he had been a Republican because he thought the Democrats had a heart but their head
ught
b
w
ition to money-raising and organizing, I had to reach out to constituencies that were
predominantly Democratic. In October, I spoke to aAmerican oil painting ,
Angel oil painting ,
Ballet oil painting,
Battle and War oil painting ,
Boats and Ships oil painting,
Cartoon oil painting,
Chinese style oil painting ,
Christmas oil painting,
Dance oil painting,
Family oil painting ,
Paris Street oil painting,
Piano oil painting,
Pop art oil painting,
Portraits oil painting ,
Religion oil painting ,
Romantic oil painting,
Sport oil painting ,
Storefront oil painting ,
Venice oil painting,
Watercolor oil painting
Jewish group in Texas, saying that Israel
in
campaign needs an aggressor. Craig Smith went to work on our state campaign organia job better suited to his considerable political skills. Soon Bruce Reed left the Democratic Leadership Council to become our policy director. Eli also interviewed two women who would play important roles in the campaign. Dee Dee Myers from California became theAnimal oil painting,
Floral oil painting,
Landscape oil painting ,
Nude oil painting
Seascape oil painting,
Streetscape oil painting,
Sunflower oil painting ,
Still Life oil painting ,
Artists oil painting ,
African oil painting , press secretary, a job that woul
from Washington State, became our political director. She was married to Frank Greer, but that’s not why I hired her. Stephanie was smart, politically astute, and less hard-edged than most of the boys. She provided both the good work and the good chemistry every high-tension effort needs. As the campaign progressed, young people from all over America just showed up to pick up the extra load.
Bob Farmer’s efforts in Massachusetts and with regular Democratic donors who would givejust because he asked them, and donations from friends around the country that helpequalify for matching funds from the federal government. To do that, a candidate must raise $5,000 in each of twenty states, in amounts not exceeding $250 per contribution. In some states, my governor friends took care of it. In Texas, my longtime supporter Truman Arnoraised a much-needed $30,000. Unlike many wealthy people, Truman seemed to becomeven more committed Democrat as he got richer. Somewhat surprisingly, a lot of people in the Washington, D.C., area wanted to help, in particular Democratic lawyer and fund-raiser Vic Raiser and my friend from Renaissance Weekend Tom Schnieder. In New York, I got invaluable early help not only from our friendsHarold Ickes and Susan Thomases but also from Ken Brody, a Goldman Sachs executive who decided he wanted to get heavily involved in Democratic politics for the first time. Ken
was in the wrong place. Then, he said, he had gotten close enough to oil painting,
oil paintings,
china oil painting,
handmade oil paintings,
oil painting reproductions,
Painting From Photo ,
Painting From Photo ,
oil painting wholesale,
wholesale oil painting,
Michael Jackson painting,
Michael Jackson paintings,
Decorative painting,
Group painting,
Abstract oil painting,
Impressionism oil painting,the national Republicansto see that they had a head but no heart, and decided to join the Democrats because he thoit was easier to change minds than hearts, and luckily for me, he figured I was the best placeto start. Ken took me to a dinner with high-powered New York businesspeople, including BoRubin, whose tightly reasoned arguments for a new economic policy made a lasting impression on me. In every successful political campaign, people like Ken Brody somehoappear, bringing energy, ideas, and converts. In add
should trade land for peace; to blacks and Hispanics in Chicago; and to Democratic Party groups in Tennessee, Maine, New Jersey, and California, all of which were considered swing states, meaning they could go either way in the general election. In November, I spokeMemphis to the convention of the Church of God in Christ, America’s fastest-growing black
300
“Those left standing were too few to resist. We were told to lay down our arms and we had no choice but to comply. But the enemy was not sated by this gesture. ‘Kneel,’ we were told, ‘kneel and swear fealty to your conquerors.’ That we would not do. That would dishonor our heroic commander, it would dishonor Elysea, and it would dishonor our duties as Daevas. For our disobedience, we were massacred, the last of our defense joining Deltras inaion power leveling
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karos power leveling were the courage of our commander shone forth as a beacon. And so we stay on, to guard and honor the place where Deltras fell.”
As if all this weren’t enough, I also suffered the defeat of my short-term stimulus package, which was designed to create 500,000 jobs by getting money out quickly to cities and states for infrastructure projects. The economy was still growing slowly, it needed the boost, and tmodest nonrecurring expenditures wouldn’t have made our deficit problem worse. The Houpassed the bill handily and the Senate was for it, too, but Bob Dole had more than forty Republican senators who were willing to f
he
se
ilibuster it. After the first filibuster vote, we should
have tried to negotiate a smaller package with Dole, or accepted a less ambitious (...) Pennsylvania, near his hometown of Scranton.
ly, even
g
y
speech on April 6 at the University of Texas at Austin for Liz Carpenter, who had been Lady
t a time
s, as to
how we can have a society that fills us up again and makes us feel that we are part of
something bigger than ourselves.” Hillary had been moved to make this argument by reading
proposal offered by Senators John Breaux and David Boren, two conservative Democrats. Senator Robert Byrd, who was handling the proposal, was adamant that if we didn’t bend, wecould break the filibuster. But we couldn’t, and finally admitted defeat on April 21, two daafter Waco. In my first term, the Republicans resorted to the filibuster to an unprecedented extent, thwarting the will of the congressional majority, out of either conviction or a desire to prove that I couldn’t lead. Senator George Mitchell had to have twelve votes to break filibusters just in my first hundred days.American oil painting ,
Angel oil painting ,
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Battle and War oil painting ,
Boats and Ships oil painting,
Cartoon oil painting,
Chinese style oil painting ,
Christmas oil painting,
Dance oil painting,
Family oil painting ,
Paris Street oil painting,
Piano oil painting,
Pop art oil painting,
Portraits oil painting ,
Religion oil painting ,
Romantic oil painting,
Sport oil painting ,
Storefront oil painting ,
Venice oil painting,
Watercolor oil painting
On March 19, we suffered a personal blow that put politics in perspective when Hillary’s dhad a massive stroke. Hillary rushed to his bedside at St. Vincent’s Hospital in Little Rocwith Chelsea Michael Jackson paintings,
Decorative painting,
Group painting,
Abstract oil painting,
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African oil painting ,and my brother-in-law Tony. Dr. Drew Kumpuris, Hugh’s doctor and our frtold Hillary that her father had suffered severe brain damage and was in a deep coma from which, in all probability, he would never emerge. I got there two days later. Hillary, ChelseaDorothy, and his sons, Hugh and Tony, had been taking turns talking, even singing, to Hwho looked as if he was just sleeping peacefully. We didn’t know how long he wouldand I could stay only a day. I left Hillary in the good company of her family, the ThomaCarolyn Huber, who had known Hugh ever since her days as the administrator of the Governor’s Mansion, and Lisa Caputo, Hillary’s press secretary and a favorite of Hugh’s because like him she came from ea
The next Sunday, I flew home again for a couple of days. I wanted to be with my famithough there was nothing to do but wait. The doctor told us that Hugh was essentially braindead. Over the weekend, the family decided to take him off the machine that was breathinfor him, and we all said prayers and good-byes, but Hugh didn’t go for it. His strong old heartjust kept beating. Though I had been able to attend to most of my duties in Arkansas, I had toreturn to Washington on Tuesday. I hated to leave, knowing it was the last time I’d ever see my father-in-law. I loved Hugh Rodham, with his no-nonsense gruffness and fierce familloyalty. I was grateful that he had accepted me into the fold twenty years earlier, when I was scruffy, penniless, and, worst of all, a Democrat. I would miss our pinochle games and political arguments, and just knowing he was around. On April 4, with Hugh still hanging on, Hillary had to return to Washington, too, to get Chelsea back to school after spring break, and to get back to work. She had promised to give a
Bird Johnson’s press secretary. Liz pressed her not to cancel, and she decided to go. Awhen she was grief-strickenoil painting,
oil paintings,
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Michael Jackson painting,, she reached deep inside herself to say that, as we moved into the new millennium, “we need a new politics of meaning. We need a new ethos of individual responsibility and caring. We need a new definition of civil society which answers the unanswerable questions posed by both the market forces and the governmental one
395
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governor to be elected President presided over a period of high interest rates and inflation. Perot was witty and comfortable in his own skin, which I thought would reassure his supporters and perhaps sway some of the undecided voters. Three of the post-debate polls
showed me winning the debate, but the CNN/USA Todaypoll, the only one to show Perot the
to
ous
ving all
nealogical authority, said that President Bush and I were both descendants of
thirteenth-century English royalty and were distant cousins, at least twenty times removed.
breach that led to the battle of Evesham, in which poor Simon was killed. The spokesman for
hat
to
c.
ers of
ent
dvertising, coupled with President Bush’s
attacks on me, were moving votes to Perot at my expense. On October 26, while campaigning
a
e
vably, was
y
the time Al and I mentioned it,oil painting,
oil paintings,
china oil painting,
handmade oil paintings,
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Michael Jackson painting, the FBI, the CIA, and the Justice Department were all
victor, said 12 percent had changed their preference after the debate, more than half of them going to Perot. Still, on balance, the debates were good for me. More Americans thought I had the abilitybe a good President, and the give-and-take on the issues allowed me a chance to push my positive proposals. I wish we could have done them for two more weeks. Instead, we headed for the homestretch, a frenzied rush to as many states as possible, with the airwaves full ofnegative ads from my opponents, and a shot against Bush from me featuring his most famstatement: “Read my lips.” Frank Greer and Mandy Grunwald did a good job with our ads, and our rapid-response team answered theirs effectively, but it wasn’t the same as hathe candidates in one room. Now they were coming after me,Michael Jackson paintings,
Decorative painting,
Group painting,
Abstract oil painting,
Impressionism oil painting,
Streetscape oil painting,
Sunflower oil painting ,
Still Life oil painting ,
Artists oil painting ,
African oil painting , and I had to hang on. On October 21, the campaign got a little comic relief when Burke’s Peerage, England’s leading ge
Our common ancestor was King John. Bush was descended through John’s son King HenryIII, making him Queen Elizabeth’s thirteenth cousin. Appropriately, my royal connections were both less impressive and offset by equally strong democratic ties. My Blythe kinfolk were descendants of both Henry III’s sister Eleanor and her husband, Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, who defeated the king in battle and forced him to accept the most representative parliament up to that time. Alas, in 1265 the king broke his oath to honor the Parliament, a
Burke’s Peerage said that Simon’s body “was hacked into a multitude of pieces, bits being sent out around the country—a finger, perhaps, to a village, a foot to a town—to show whappened to democrats.” Now that I knew that the roots of my differences with the President went back seven hundred years, I suppose I couldn’t blame his campaign for being faithfulthe tactics of his ancestors. Burke’s Peerage also traced the Blythes back to the village of Gotham, which, according to English legend, was a haunt of madmen. I knew I had to be a little crazy to run for President, but I hated to think it was geneti
On October 23, our campaign got another boost from the high-tech sector when the leadmore than thirty computer-software companies, including Microsoft executive vice presidSteve Ballmer, endorsed me. But it wasn’t over. A week after the last debate, a CNN/USA Todaypoll had my lead over President Bush down to seven points, 39 to 32 percent, with Perot at 20 percent. Just as I had feared, Perot’s a
in North Carolina, Al Gore and I tried to keep the lead by hitting American oil painting ,
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Boats and Ships oil painting,
Cartoon oil painting,
Chinese style oil painting ,
Christmas oil painting,
Dance oil painting,
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Paris Street oil painting,
Piano oil painting,
Pop art oil painting,
Portraits oil painting ,
Religion oil painting ,
Romantic oil painting,
Sport oil painting ,
Storefront oil painting ,
Venice oil painting,
Watercolor oil painting
the Bush administration over“Iraqgate,” the channeling of U.S. government–backed credits to Iraq through the Atlantbranch of a bank owned by the Italian government. Ostensibly for agricultural purposes, thcredits had been siphoned off by Saddam Hussein to rebuild his military and weapons program after the Iran-Iraq war. Two billion dollars of the credits were never repaid, leaving U.S. taxpayers with the bill. The banker in Atlanta who was indicted for his role in the fraud negotiated a sweetheart plea bargain with the U.S. attorney’s office, which, unbelieheaded by a Bush appointee who had represented Iraqi interests in the credit flap shortly before his appointment, although he said he had recused himself from this investigation. B
348
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The next stop was Warsaw, to meet with President Lech Walesa and emphasize my
commitment to bringing Poland into NATO. Walesa had become a hero, and free Poland’s
ildren,
,
arketing and price supports. The
ent
he
natural choice for president, by oil painting,
oil paintings,
china oil painting,
handmade oil paintings,
oil painting reproductions,
Painting From Photo ,
Painting From Photo ,
oil painting wholesale,
wholesale oil painting,
Michael Jackson painting,leading the Gdansk shipyard workers’ revolt against communism more than a decade earlier. He was deeply suspicious of Russia and wanted Poland in NATO as soon as possible. He also wanted more American investment in Poland, saying the country’s future required more American generals, “starting with General Motors and General Electric.” That night Walesa hosted a dinner to which he invited leaders of all political views. I listened
with fascination to a heated argument between Mrs. Walesa, a feisty mother of eight chand a legislative leader who was also a potato farmer. She was railing against communismwhile he argued that farmers had been better off under communism than they were today. I thought they were going to come to blows. I tried to help by reminding the legislator that evenunder communism the Polish farms were in private hands; all the Polish Communists had done was to purchase the food and sell it in Ukraine and Russia. He conceded the point, but said he had always had a market and a good price for his crops. I told him he had never been under a completely Communist system like Russia’s, where the farms themselves were collectivized. Then I explained how the American system worked, and how all successful free-market systems also had some form of cooperative m
farmer remained skeptical, and Mrs. Walesa remained adamant. If democracy is about free and unfettered debate, it had certainly taken hold in Poland. My first day at the Naples summit was Michael Jackson paintings,
Decorative painting,
Group painting,
Abstract oil painting,
Impressionism oil painting,
Streetscape oil painting,
Sunflower oil painting ,
Still Life oil painting ,
Artists oil painting ,
African oil painting ,devoted to Asia. Kim Il Sung had died the previous day, just as talks with North Korea resumed in Geneva, throwing the future of our agreem
with North Korea into doubt. The other G-7 member with a big interest in the issue was Japan. There had been tensions between the Japanese and the Koreans for decades, going back before World War II. If North Korea had nuclear weapons, there would be great pressure on Japan to develop a nuclear deterrent, an action that, given their own painful experience, tJapanese did not want to take. The new Japanese prime minister, Tomiichi Murayama, who had become Japan’s first socialist prime minister by joining in a coalition with the Liberal Democratic Party, assured me that our solidarity on North Korea would remain intact. Out of
respect for Kim Il Sung’s death, the Geneva talks were suspended for a month. The most important decisions we made in Naples were to provide an aid package to Ukraine and to include Russia in the political part of all future summits. Bringing Russia into the prestigious circle gave Yeltsin and other reformers pushing for closer ties toAmerican oil painting ,
Angel oil painting ,
Ballet oil painting,
Battle and War oil painting ,
Boats and Ships oil painting,
Cartoon oil painting,
Chinese style oil painting ,
Christmas oil painting,
Dance oil painting,
Family oil painting ,
Paris Street oil painting,
Piano oil painting,
Pop art oil painting,
Portraits oil painting ,
Religion oil painting ,
Romantic oil painting,
Sport oil painting ,
Storefront oil painting ,
Venice oil painting,
Watercolor oil painting the West a big boost, and guaranteed that our future gatherings would be more interesting. Yeltsin was always entertaining. Chelsea, Hillary, and I loved Naples, and after the meetings, we took a day to see Pompeii, which the Italians had done a marvelous job of recovering from the ashes of the volcano that
engulfed the town inA.D. 79. We saw wall paintings with colors that had retained their rich texture, including some that were first-century versions of political posters; open-air food stands that were early precursors of today’s fast-food restaurants; and the remains of several bodies remarkably preserved by the ashes, among them a man lying with his hand over the face of his obviously pregnant wife, with two other children beside them. It was a powerful reminder of the fragile and fleeting nature of life. The European trip ended in Germany. Helmut Kohl took us to visit his hometown, Ludwigshafen, before I flew to Ramstein Air Base to see our troops, many of whom would
501
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The next stop was Warsaw, to meet with President Lech Walesa and emphasize my
commitment to bringing Poland into NATO. Walesa had become a hero, and free Poland’s
ildren,
,
arketing and price supports. The
ent
he
natural choice for president, by oil painting,
oil paintings,
china oil painting,
handmade oil paintings,
oil painting reproductions,
Painting From Photo ,
Painting From Photo ,
oil painting wholesale,
wholesale oil painting,
Michael Jackson painting,leading the Gdansk shipyard workers’ revolt against communism more than a decade earlier. He was deeply suspicious of Russia and wanted Poland in NATO as soon as possible. He also wanted more American investment in Poland, saying the country’s future required more American generals, “starting with General Motors and General Electric.” That night Walesa hosted a dinner to which he invited leaders of all political views. I listened
with fascination to a heated argument between Mrs. Walesa, a feisty mother of eight chand a legislative leader who was also a potato farmer. She was railing against communismwhile he argued that farmers had been better off under communism than they were today. I thought they were going to come to blows. I tried to help by reminding the legislator that evenunder communism the Polish farms were in private hands; all the Polish Communists had done was to purchase the food and sell it in Ukraine and Russia. He conceded the point, but said he had always had a market and a good price for his crops. I told him he had never been under a completely Communist system like Russia’s, where the farms themselves were collectivized. Then I explained how the American system worked, and how all successful free-market systems also had some form of cooperative m
farmer remained skeptical, and Mrs. Walesa remained adamant. If democracy is about free and unfettered debate, it had certainly taken hold in Poland. My first day at the Naples summit was Michael Jackson paintings,
Decorative painting,
Group painting,
Abstract oil painting,
Impressionism oil painting,
Streetscape oil painting,
Sunflower oil painting ,
Still Life oil painting ,
Artists oil painting ,
African oil painting ,devoted to Asia. Kim Il Sung had died the previous day, just as talks with North Korea resumed in Geneva, throwing the future of our agreem
with North Korea into doubt. The other G-7 member with a big interest in the issue was Japan. There had been tensions between the Japanese and the Koreans for decades, going back before World War II. If North Korea had nuclear weapons, there would be great pressure on Japan to develop a nuclear deterrent, an action that, given their own painful experience, tJapanese did not want to take. The new Japanese prime minister, Tomiichi Murayama, who had become Japan’s first socialist prime minister by joining in a coalition with the Liberal Democratic Party, assured me that our solidarity on North Korea would remain intact. Out of
respect for Kim Il Sung’s death, the Geneva talks were suspended for a month. The most important decisions we made in Naples were to provide an aid package to Ukraine and to include Russia in the political part of all future summits. Bringing Russia into the prestigious circle gave Yeltsin and other reformers pushing for closer ties toAmerican oil painting ,
Angel oil painting ,
Ballet oil painting,
Battle and War oil painting ,
Boats and Ships oil painting,
Cartoon oil painting,
Chinese style oil painting ,
Christmas oil painting,
Dance oil painting,
Family oil painting ,
Paris Street oil painting,
Piano oil painting,
Pop art oil painting,
Portraits oil painting ,
Religion oil painting ,
Romantic oil painting,
Sport oil painting ,
Storefront oil painting ,
Venice oil painting,
Watercolor oil painting the West a big boost, and guaranteed that our future gatherings would be more interesting. Yeltsin was always entertaining. Chelsea, Hillary, and I loved Naples, and after the meetings, we took a day to see Pompeii, which the Italians had done a marvelous job of recovering from the ashes of the volcano that
engulfed the town inA.D. 79. We saw wall paintings with colors that had retained their rich texture, including some that were first-century versions of political posters; open-air food stands that were early precursors of today’s fast-food restaurants; and the remains of several bodies remarkably preserved by the ashes, among them a man lying with his hand over the face of his obviously pregnant wife, with two other children beside them. It was a powerful reminder of the fragile and fleeting nature of life. The European trip ended in Germany. Helmut Kohl took us to visit his hometown, Ludwigshafen, before I flew to Ramstein Air Base to see our troops, many of whom would
501
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and he quickly accepted. David was, in political language, a “two-fer”: besides managing thoverall campaign, he would be a special help in Illinois. I was convinced that, with David as campaign manager, along with Kevin O’Keefe as a state organizer, we could now win a clear victory in Illinois to follow up on the anticipated sweep of the southern states on Super Tuesday. Soon afterward, we also persuaded another young Chicagoan, Rahm Emanuel, to join our campaign. Rahm had worked with Wilhelm in the successful campaigns of Mayor Richard Daley and Senator Paul Simon. He was a slight, intense man who had studied balland, though an American citizen, ha
e
et
d served in the Israeli Army. Rahm was so aggressive he
made me look laid-back. We made him finance director, a job in which an underfunded
zations,
d require her to handle more incoming fire than she possibly could
have anticipated. Though she was very young, she rose to the challenge. Stephanie Solien,
On the financial front, we made do in the beginning with generous early help from Arkansans,
d me
ld
e an
told
me he had been a Republican because he thought the Democrats had a heart but their head
ught
b
w
ition to money-raising and organizing, I had to reach out to constituencies that were
predominantly Democratic. In October, I spoke to aAmerican oil painting ,
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Jewish group in Texas, saying that Israel
in
campaign needs an aggressor. Craig Smith went to work on our state campaign organia job better suited to his considerable political skills. Soon Bruce Reed left the Democratic Leadership Council to become our policy director. Eli also interviewed two women who would play important roles in the campaign. Dee Dee Myers from California became theAnimal oil painting,
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from Washington State, became our political director. She was married to Frank Greer, but that’s not why I hired her. Stephanie was smart, politically astute, and less hard-edged than most of the boys. She provided both the good work and the good chemistry every high-tension effort needs. As the campaign progressed, young people from all over America just showed up to pick up the extra load.
Bob Farmer’s efforts in Massachusetts and with regular Democratic donors who would givejust because he asked them, and donations from friends around the country that helpequalify for matching funds from the federal government. To do that, a candidate must raise $5,000 in each of twenty states, in amounts not exceeding $250 per contribution. In some states, my governor friends took care of it. In Texas, my longtime supporter Truman Arnoraised a much-needed $30,000. Unlike many wealthy people, Truman seemed to becomeven more committed Democrat as he got richer. Somewhat surprisingly, a lot of people in the Washington, D.C., area wanted to help, in particular Democratic lawyer and fund-raiser Vic Raiser and my friend from Renaissance Weekend Tom Schnieder. In New York, I got invaluable early help not only from our friendsHarold Ickes and Susan Thomases but also from Ken Brody, a Goldman Sachs executive who decided he wanted to get heavily involved in Democratic politics for the first time. Ken
was in the wrong place. Then, he said, he had gotten close enough to oil painting,
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should trade land for peace; to blacks and Hispanics in Chicago; and to Democratic Party groups in Tennessee, Maine, New Jersey, and California, all of which were considered swing states, meaning they could go either way in the general election. In November, I spokeMemphis to the convention of the Church of God in Christ, America’s fastest-growing black
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her schools on the way in from the airport, and I thought of how much she had grown up since
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I tried to thank all the Arkansans who had helped me reach this day, beginning with two men
who were no longer living, Judge Frank Holt and Senator Fulbright. I urged the legislators to
keep pushing the federal government to support the states on education, economic
development, health care, and welfare reform. Finally, I told my old friends that I would leave
office in three days grateful that “somehow the mystery of this great democracy gave me the
chance to go from a little boy on South Hervey Street in Hope, Arkansas, to the White House.
. . . I may be the only person ever elected President who owed his election purely to his
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personal friends, without whom I could never have won.” I left my friends and flew home to
finish the job.
The next night, after a day working on last-minute business, I gave a brief farewell address to
the nation from the Oval Office. After thanking the American people for giving me the chance
to serve and briefly summarizing my philosophy and record, I offered three observations
about the future, saying that we should stay on the path to fiscal responsibility; that our
security and prosperity required us to lead in the fight for prosperity and freedom and against
terrorism, organized crime, narco-trafficking, the spread of deadly weapons, environmental
degradation, disease, and global poverty; and finally, that we must continue to “weave the
threads of our coat of many colors into the fabric of one America.”
I wished President-elect Bush and his family well and said I would “leave the presidency
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On the nineteenth, my last full day as President, I issued a statement on land mines, saying
that since 1993 the United States had destroyed more than 3.3 million of our own land mines,
spent $500 million to remove land mines in thirty-five countries, and was making a vigorous
effort to find a sensible alternative to mines that would protect our troops as well. I asked the
new administration to continue our global demining effort for ten more years.
When I got back to the residence it was late and we still weren’t completely packed. There
were boxes everywhere, and I still had to decide which clothes were going where—to New
York, Washington, or Arkansas. Hillary and I didn’t want to sleep; we just wanted to keep
strolling from room to room. We felt as honored to be living in the White House on our last
night as we had when we came home after our first inaugural balls. I never ceased to be
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I went back into the Lincoln Bedroom, read Lincoln’s handwritten copy of the Gettysburg
Address one last time, and stared at the lithograph of him signing the Emancipation
Proclamation, on the very spot where I was standing. I went into the Queen’s Room and
thought of Winston Churchill spending three weeks there in the difficult days of World War
II. I sat behind the Treaty Table in my office looking at the empty bookshelves and bare walls,
thinking of all the meetings and calls I’d had in that room on Northern Ireland, the Middle
East, Russia, Korea, and domestic struggles. And it was in this room where I read my Bible
and books and letters, and prayed for strength and guidance all through 1998.
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in his archives, only four depict him in his wheelchair. Disabled Americans had come a long
way since then.
I said farewell to New Hampshire in Dover, where almost nine years earlier I had promised to
be with them “’til the last dog dies.” Many of my old supporters were in the audience. I called
several by name, thanked them all, then gave them a full account of the record their hard work
in that long-ago winter had made possible. And I asked them never to forget that, “even
though I won’t be President, I’ll always be with you until the last dog dies.” On the eleventh through the fourteenth, I had parties for the cabinet, the White House staff,
and friends at Camp David. On the night of the fourteenth, Don Henley gave us a wonderful
solo concert after dinner in the Camp David Chapel. The next morning was our family’s last
Sunday in the beautiful chapel, where we had shared many services with the fine young
sailors and marines who staffed the camp and their families. They had even let me sing with
the choir, always leaving the sheet music in Aspen, our family cabin, on Friday or Saturday so
that I could review it in advance.
On Monday, I spoke at the Martin Luther King Jr. holiday celebration at the University of the
District of Columbia. Usually I marked the day by doing some community service work, but I
wanted to take this opportunity to thank the District of Columbia for being my home for eight
years. The D.C. representative in Congress, Eleanor Holmes Norton, and Mayor Tony
Williams were good friends of mine, as were several city council members. I had worked to
help them get needed legislation through Congress and to prevent unduly meddlesome laws
from being enacted. The District still had a lot of problems, but it was in much better
condition than it had been eight years earlier when I took my pre-inaugural walk down
Georgia Avenue.
I also sent my last message to Congress: “The Unfinished Work of Building One America.” It
was based in large part on the final report of the Commission on Race and included a wide
array of recommendations: further steps to close the racial divide in education, health care,
employment, and the criminal justice system; special efforts to help low-income absent
fathers succeed at parenting; new investments for Native American communities; improved
immigration policies; passage of the hate crimes bill; reform of the voting laws; and the
continuation of AmeriCorps and the White House Office on One America. We had made a lot
of headway in eight years, but America was growing more diverse, and there was still much
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On the seventeenth, I held my last ceremony in the East Room, as Bruce Babbitt and I
announced eight more national monuments, two of them along the trail Lewis and Clark
blazed in 1803 with their Indian guide Sacagawea and a slave named York. We had now
protected more land in the lower forty-eight states than any administration since that of
Theodore Roosevelt.
After the announcement, I left the White House on the last trip of my presidency, going home to Little Rock to address the Arkansas legislature. Some of my old pals were still in the state
House or Sen-ate, as were people who had gotten their start in politics working with me and a
few who began by working against me. More than twenty Arkansans who were then serving
or had served with me in Wash-ington joined me that day, as did three of my high school
class-mates who lived in the Washington area, and several Arkansans who had served as my liaisons to the legislature when I was governor. Chelsea came with me, too. We passed two of
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backbreaking schedule that was more my fault than theirs. Because of allergies and exhaustion, I griped too much in the mornings. Luckily, Carville and I were on the same wavelength, and he always knew when I was serious and when I was just blowing off steam. I
think the others on call came to understand it too.
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The Republicans held their convention in Houston in the third week of August. Normally, the opposition goes underground during the other party’s convention. Though I would followusual practice and keep a low profile, our rapid-response operation would be out in force. It had to be. The Republicans had no choice but to throw the kitchen sink at meAbstract oil painting,Impressionism oil painting,
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Millard Fuller, a friend of ours from Renaissance Weekend, Habitat uses volunteers to build. They were way behind, and their slash-and-burn approach had worked in every election since 1968, ePresident Carter’s two-point victory in the aftermath of Watergate. We were determined to use the rapid-response team to turn the Republican attacks back on them. On August 17, as their convention opened, I still had a twenty-point lead, and we rained on their parade a little when eighteen corporate chief executives endorsed me. It was a good story, but it didn’t divert the Republicans from their game plan. They started off by calling ma “skirt chaser” and a “draft dodger,” and accused Hillary of wanting to destroy the Americafamily by allowing children to sue their parents whenever they disagreed with parental disciplinary decisions. Marilyn Quayle, the
reading of an article Hillary had written when she was in law school, arguing that, in circumstances of abuse or severe neglect, minor children had legal rights independent of tparents. Almost all Americans would agree with
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they were true or not. The main attraction on the Republicans’ opening night was Pat Buchanan, who sent the delegates into a frenzy with his attacks on me. My favorite lines included his assertion that, while President Bush had presided over the liberation of Eastern Europe, my foreign policy experience was “pretty much confined to having had breakfast once at the International Houseof Pancakes” and his characterization of the Democratic convention as “radicals and liberals . . . dressed up as moderates and centrists in the greatest single exhibition of cross-dressing in American political history.” The polls showed Buchanan hadn’t helped Bush, but I disagreeHis job was to stop the hemorrhaging on the right by telling conservatives who wanted changethat they couldn’t vote for me, and he did it well. The Clinton-bashing continued throughout the convention, with our rapid-response operation firing back. The Reverend Pat Robertson referred to me as “Slick Willie” and said I had a radical plan to destroy the American family. Since I had been for welfare reform before Robertson figured out that God was a right-wing
the anti-family attacks, comparing the Republicans’ treatment of her to their Willie Horton tactics against Dukakis four years earlier. To reinforce our claim that the Republicans were attacking me because all they cared about was holding on to power, while we wanted power to attack America’s problems, Al, Tipper, Hillary, and I had dinner with President and Mrs. Carter on August 18. Then we all spent the next day—both Tipper’s and my birthday—building a house with members of Habit
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policy was to subsidize politically powerful, established interests like oil and agriculture, which were important but which had much less potential than technology to generate njobs and new entrepreneurs. The high-tech leaders’ announcement provided an enormous boost to the campaign, giving credibility to my claim to be pro-business as well as pro-labor, and linking me to the economic forces that most represented positive change and growth.
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Republicans were working hard to tear me down. President Bush, in his convention speech, had accused me of raising taxes 128 times in Arkansas and enjoying it every time. In earlySeptember, the Bush campaign repeated the charge again and again, though theNew York Times said it was “false,” theWashington Post called it highly “exaggerated” and “silly,” aneven theWall Street Journal said it was “misleading.” The Bush list included a requirement that used-car dealers post a $25,000 bond, modest fees for beauty pageants, and a one-dollarcourt cost imposed on convicted criminals. Conservative columnist George Will said that, by the President’s criteria, “Bush has raised taxes more often in four years than Clinton
The Bush campaign devoted most of the rest of September to attacking me on the draft. President Bush said over and over that I should “just tell the truth” about it. Even Dan Quayfelt free to go after me on it, despite the fact that his family connections had gotten him into the National Guard and away from Vietnam. The vice president’s main point seemed to be that the media weren’t giving my case the same critical scrutiny he had received four yearsearlier. Apparently he hadnled Components
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’t followed the news out of New Hampshire and New York. I got some good help in countering the draft attack. In early September, Senator Bob Kerreymy Medal of Honor–winning primary opponent, said it shouldn’t be an issue. Then on the eighteenth, on the back lawn of the Arkansas Governor’s Mansion, I received the endorsement of Admiral Bill Crowe, who had been chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff under President Reagan and briefly under Bush. I was very impressed by Crowe’s straightforward, down-home manner and deeply grateful that he would stick his neck out for someone he barely knew but had come to believe in. The political impact of what Bush and I were doing was uncertain.
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of 9 and 20 percent for me. The basic dynamic of the campaign had been set: Bush claimed to represent family values and trustworthiness, while I was for economic and social change. He said I was untrustworthy and anti-family, while I said he was dividing America and holdingus back. On any given day, a substantial number of voters were torn between which one owas better. Besides the issues dispute, we spent September arguing about the debates. The bipartisan national commission recommended three of them, with different formats. I accepted immediately, but President Bush didn’t like the commission’s debate formats. I claimed his objections were a fig leaf to cover his reluctance to defend his record. The disagreemencontinued for most of the month, which forced all three of the scheduled debates to be canceled. As they were, I went to each of the proposed debate sites to campaign, making surethe disappointed citizens knew who had cost their cities their moment in the national spotlight.
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backbreaking schedule that was more my fault than theirs. Because of allergies and exhaustion, I griped too much in the mornings. Luckily, Carville and I were on the same wavelength, and he always knew when I was serious and when I was just blowing off steam. I
think the others on call came to understand it too.
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The Republicans held their convention in Houston in the third week of August. Normally, the opposition goes underground during the other party’s convention. Though I would followusual practice and keep a low profile, our rapid-response operation would be out in force. It had to be. The Republicans had no choice but to throw the kitchen sink at meAbstract oil painting,Impressionism oil painting,
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Millard Fuller, a friend of ours from Renaissance Weekend, Habitat uses volunteers to build. They were way behind, and their slash-and-burn approach had worked in every election since 1968, ePresident Carter’s two-point victory in the aftermath of Watergate. We were determined to use the rapid-response team to turn the Republican attacks back on them. On August 17, as their convention opened, I still had a twenty-point lead, and we rained on their parade a little when eighteen corporate chief executives endorsed me. It was a good story, but it didn’t divert the Republicans from their game plan. They started off by calling ma “skirt chaser” and a “draft dodger,” and accused Hillary of wanting to destroy the Americafamily by allowing children to sue their parents whenever they disagreed with parental disciplinary decisions. Marilyn Quayle, the
reading of an article Hillary had written when she was in law school, arguing that, in circumstances of abuse or severe neglect, minor children had legal rights independent of tparents. Almost all Americans would agree with
American oil painting ,
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they were true or not. The main attraction on the Republicans’ opening night was Pat Buchanan, who sent the delegates into a frenzy with his attacks on me. My favorite lines included his assertion that, while President Bush had presided over the liberation of Eastern Europe, my foreign policy experience was “pretty much confined to having had breakfast once at the International Houseof Pancakes” and his characterization of the Democratic convention as “radicals and liberals . . . dressed up as moderates and centrists in the greatest single exhibition of cross-dressing in American political history.” The polls showed Buchanan hadn’t helped Bush, but I disagreeHis job was to stop the hemorrhaging on the right by telling conservatives who wanted changethat they couldn’t vote for me, and he did it well. The Clinton-bashing continued throughout the convention, with our rapid-response operation firing back. The Reverend Pat Robertson referred to me as “Slick Willie” and said I had a radical plan to destroy the American family. Since I had been for welfare reform before Robertson figured out that God was a right-wing
the anti-family attacks, comparing the Republicans’ treatment of her to their Willie Horton tactics against Dukakis four years earlier. To reinforce our claim that the Republicans were attacking me because all they cared about was holding on to power, while we wanted power to attack America’s problems, Al, Tipper, Hillary, and I had dinner with President and Mrs. Carter on August 18. Then we all spent the next day—both Tipper’s and my birthday—building a house with members of Habit
Paris Street oil painting,
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Pop art oil painting,
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Romantic oil painting,
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policy was to subsidize politically powerful, established interests like oil and agriculture, which were important but which had much less potential than technology to generate njobs and new entrepreneurs. The high-tech leaders’ announcement provided an enormous boost to the campaign, giving credibility to my claim to be pro-business as well as pro-labor, and linking me to the economic forces that most represented positive change and growth.
Cartoon oil painting,
Chinese style oil painting ,
Christmas oil painting,
Dance oil painting,
Family oil painting ,
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Republicans were working hard to tear me down. President Bush, in his convention speech, had accused me of raising taxes 128 times in Arkansas and enjoying it every time. In earlySeptember, the Bush campaign repeated the charge again and again, though theNew York Times said it was “false,” theWashington Post called it highly “exaggerated” and “silly,” aneven theWall Street Journal said it was “misleading.” The Bush list included a requirement that used-car dealers post a $25,000 bond, modest fees for beauty pageants, and a one-dollarcourt cost imposed on convicted criminals. Conservative columnist George Will said that, by the President’s criteria, “Bush has raised taxes more often in four years than Clinton
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Anaheim was compensated with first, second and thirdround picks in 2008. What became of that first pick? It wound up going from the Ducks to the Kings to Buffalo, who used it to select Tyler Myers, the recently named Calder Trophy winner. So losing valuable draft picks are one reason that teams don't rush to sign RFAs. Another is that Randy Cunneyworth named head coach of the Hamilton it's hard to make an offer that isn't matched unless the deal is structured to keep the original team from realistically being able to match wildly frontloaded, presenting a cap problem, say. Now that is something that's, well, if not exactly frowned on, at least earns a raised eyebrow. - http://www.jerseysidea.com
"Depending on where (Niemi's arbitration award) comes in, it's going to dictate what we have to do. There are numbers that we have in mind which would make it (easier) to fit (Niemi) in."Niemi's side, however, isn't buying that as an excuse for the deal not getting done."I would have thought it would have <font color=#2b2b2b]Arbitration award will determine Niemi’s future</font] gotten done anyway," Zito said.Other news for Wednesday 04 August, 2010Aug. 25 vote likely on Kroenke’s bid Evgeni Nabokov a Victim of Stanley Cup Finals Goal No new executive director yet for NHLPA Stempniak surprised by freeagent trend My five suggestions to improve NHL 'Little Joe' - http://www.jerseyse.com
looking forward to teaming with Revis at some point."All I can say is best of luck to all the receivers we face," he said. "We're really going to be the best tandem in NFL history, hands down, that's our goal."Ryan added that whenever Revis returns, he'll slide right into his usual spot."If he signs a LIONS' ROOKIE DT SUH MISSES THIRD STRAIGHT DAY OFcontract one day before the first game, Darrelle would be starting," he said. "It's as simple as that. I'd love to get him here."Meanwhile, quarterback Mark Sanchez was a full participant in the morning practice, saying he's a fullgo after being limited in the offseason - http://www.jerseyspiazza.com
traveling on Interstate 95 near Ft. Lauderdale when the vehicle had a tire problem and eventually flipped, according to the Associated Press report. Rodman was a passenger in the car and he and another rider were unhurt, while the driver had to be taken to the hospital.Rodman's agent Darren Prince said that Rodman had just returned from a DJ Derrick Rose is not broken up over missing out on gig in St. Tropez. To which I say: Dennis Rodman still has an agent? Glad he wasn't hurt, through.What can we really expect from Shaq this yearTHURSDAY 05 AUGUST, 2010 | What can we really expect from Shaq this yearby Administrator | post a commentShaquille O'Neal is still looking for a - http://www.jerseysbox.com
magnitude, it's going to have a devastating impact on a franchise, particularly if you're not able to get anything of value back in return – if you get anything back at all.Question 2: What will the impact of another star player leaving have on the Franchise?From the prospective of how Toronto feels about itself as an NBA city,ARMSTRONG WHAT'S NEXT FOR THE TORONTO RAPTORS it's going to become that much harder because perception becomes reality.It's also unfortunate that you have the U.S. media portraying Toronto as a small market, yet it's the fourth largest market in pro sports. From a basketball standpoint, Bosh's departure makes recruiting more - http://www.jerseysbus.com
Earlier in the day I had pre-recorded my final radio address, to be aired not long before I was
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my service possible. And I kept my promise to work until the last hour of the last day,
releasing another $100 million to fund more police officers; those new police had helped give
America the lowest crime rate in a quarter century.
Well past midnight, I went back to the Oval Office again to clean up, pack, and answer a few
letters. As I sat alone at the desk, I thought about all that had happened during the last eight
years, and how quickly it would be over. Soon I would observe the transfer of power and take
my leave. Hillary, Chelsea, and I would board Air Force One for a last flight with the fine
crew that had taken us to the far corners of the world; our closest staff members; my new
Secret Service detail; some of the career military staff such as Glen Maes, the navy steward
who baked all my specially decorated birthday cakes, and Glenn Powell, the air force sergeant
who made sure our luggage never got lost; and a few of the folks who “brought me to the
dance”—the Jordans, the McAuliffes, the McLartys, and Harry Thomason.
Several members of the press corps were also scheduled to make the last trip. One of them,
Mark Knoller of CBS Radio, had covered me all eight years and had conducted one of the
many wrap-up interviews I had done in the past several weeks. Mark had asked me if I was
afraid that “the best part of your life is over.” I said I had enjoyed every part of my life and
that in each stage I had been “absorbed, interested, and found something useful to do.”
I was looking forward to my new life, to building my library, doing public service work
through my foundation, supporting Hillary, and having more time for reading, golf, music,
and unhurried travel. I knew I would enjoy myself and believed that if I stayed healthy I could
still do a lot of good. But Mark Knoller had hit a soft spot with his question. I was going to
miss my old job. I had loved being President, even on the bad days.
I thought about the note to President Bush I would write and leave behind in the Oval Office,
just as his father had done for me eight years earlier. I wanted to be gracious and encouraging,
as George Bush had been to me. Soon George W. Bush would be President of all the people,
and I wished him well. I had paid close attention to what Bush and Cheney had said in the
campaign. I knew they saw the world very differently from the way I did and would want to
undo much of what I had done, especially on economic policy and the environment. I thought
that they would pass their big tax cut and that before long we would be back to the big deficits
of the 1980s, and in spite of Bush’s encouraging comments on education and AmeriCorps, he
would feel pressure to cut back on all domestic spending, including education, child care,
after-school programs, police on the streets, innovative research, and the environment. But
those were not my calls to make anymore.
I thought that the international partnerships that we had developed in the aftermath of the
Cold War could be strained by the more unilateral approach of the Republicans—they were
opposed to the test ban treaty, the climate change treaty, the ABM Treaty, and the
International Criminal Court.
I had watched the Washington Republicans for eight years and imagined that President Bush
would, from the outset of his term, be under pressure to abandon compassionate conservatism
by the more right-wing leaders and interest groups now in control of his party. They believed in their way as deeply as I believed in mine, but I thought the evidence, and the weight of
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I couldn’t control what happened to my policies and programs; few things are permanent in
politics. Nor could I affect the early judgments on my so-called legacy. The history of
America’s move from the end of the Cold War to the millennium would be written and
rewritten over and over. The only thing that mattered to me about my presidency was whether
I had done a good job for the American people in a new and very different era of global
interdependence.
Had I helped to form a “more perfect union” by widening the circle of opportunity, deepening
the meaning of freedom, and strengthening the bonds of community? I had certainly tried to
make America the twenty-first century’s leading force for peace and prosperity, freedom and
security. I had tried to put a more human face on globalization by urging other nations to join
us in building a more integrated world of shared responsibilities, shared benefits, and shared
values; and I had tried to lead America through its transition into this new era with a sense of
hope and optimism about what we could do, and a sober sense of what the new forces of
destruction could do to us. Finally, I had tried to build a new progressive politics rooted in
new ideas and old values, and to support like-minded movements around the world. No matter
how many of my specific initiatives the new administration and its congressional majority
might undo, I believed that if we were on the right side of history, the direction I had taken
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On my last night in the now-barren Oval Office, I thought of the glass case I had kept on the
coffee table between the two couches, just a few feet away. It contained a rock Neil
Armstrong had taken off the moon in 1969. Whenever arguments in the Oval Office heated up
beyond reason, I would interrupt and say, “You see that rock? It’s 3.6 billion years old. We’re
all just passing through. Let’s calm down and go back to work.”
That moon rock gave me a whole different perspective on history and the proverbial “long
run.” Our job is to live as well and as long as we can, and to help others to do the same. What
happens after that and how we are viewed by others is beyond our control. The river of time
carries us all away. All we have is the moment. Whether I had made the most of mine was for
others to judge. It was almost dawn when I returned to the residence to do some more packing
and share some private moments with Hillary and Chelsea.
The next morning, I returned to the Oval Office to write my note to President Bush. Hillary
came down, too. We gazed out the windows to take a long, admiring look at the beautiful
grounds where we had shared so many memorable times and I had thrown countless tennis
balls to Buddy. Then she left me to write my letter. As I placed the letter on the desk, I called
my staff in to say good-bye. We hugged, smiled, shed a few tears, and took a few pictures.
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As I stepped out the door with my arms opened wide, I was greeted by members of the press
there to capture the moment. John Podesta walked with me down the colonnade to join
Hillary, Chelsea, and the Gores on the state floor, where we would soon greet our successors.
The entire residence staff had gathered to say good-bye—the housekeeping staff, the kitchen
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e
et
d served in the Israeli Army. Rahm was so aggressive he
made me look laid-back. We made him finance director, a job in which an underfunded
zations,
d require her to handle more incoming fire than she possibly could
have anticipated. Though she was very young, she rose to the challenge. Stephanie Solien,
On the financial front, we made do in the beginning with generous early help from Arkansans,
d me
ld
e an
told
me he had been a Republican because he thought the Democrats had a heart but their head
ught
b
w
ition to money-raising and organizing, I had to reach out to constituencies that were
predominantly Democratic. In October, I spoke to aAmerican oil painting
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Jewish group in Texas, saying that Israel
in
campaign needs an aggressor. Craig Smith went to work on our state campaign organia job better suited to his considerable political skills. Soon Bruce Reed left the Democratic Leadership Council to become our policy director. Eli also interviewed two women who would play important roles in the campaign. Dee Dee Myers from California became theAnimal oil painting
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from Washington State, became our political director. She was married to Frank Greer, but that’s not why I hired her. Stephanie was smart, politically astute, and less hard-edged than most of the boys. She provided both the good work and the good chemistry every high-tension effort needs. As the campaign progressed, young people from all over America just showed up to pick up the extra load.
Bob Farmer’s efforts in Massachusetts and with regular Democratic donors who would givejust because he asked them, and donations from friends around the country that helpequalify for matching funds from the federal government. To do that, a candidate must raise $5,000 in each of twenty states, in amounts not exceeding $250 per contribution. In some states, my governor friends took care of it. In Texas, my longtime supporter Truman Arnoraised a much-needed $30,000. Unlike many wealthy people, Truman seemed to becomeven more committed Democrat as he got richer. Somewhat surprisingly, a lot of people in the Washington, D.C., area wanted to help, in particular Democratic lawyer and fund-raiser Vic Raiser and my friend from Renaissance Weekend Tom Schnieder. In New York, I got invaluable early help not only from our friendsHarold Ickes and Susan Thomases but also from Ken Brody, a Goldman Sachs executive who decided he wanted to get heavily involved in Democratic politics for the first time. Ken
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et
d served in the Israeli Army. Rahm was so aggressive he
made me look laid-back. We made him finance director, a job in which an underfunded
zations,
d require her to handle more incoming fire than she possibly could
have anticipated. Though she was very young, she rose to the challenge. Stephanie Solien,
On the financial front, we made do in the beginning with generous early help from Arkansans,
d me
ld
e an
told
me he had been a Republican because he thought the Democrats had a heart but their head
ught
b
w
ition to money-raising and organizing, I had to reach out to constituencies that were
predominantly Democratic. In October, I spoke to aAmerican oil painting
Angel oil painting
Ballet oil painting
Battle and War oil painting
Boats and Ships oil painting
Cartoon oil painting
Chinese style oil painting
Christmas oil painting
Dance oil painting
Family oil painting
Fantasy oil painting
Farming oil painting
Hunting oil painting
Lighthouse oil painting
Mediterranean oil painting
Paris Street oil painting
Piano oil painting
Pop art oil painting
Portraits oil painting
Religion oil painting
Romantic oil painting
Sport oil painting
Storefront oil painting
Venice oil painting
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Jewish group in Texas, saying that Israel
in
campaign needs an aggressor. Craig Smith went to work on our state campaign organia job better suited to his considerable political skills. Soon Bruce Reed left the Democratic Leadership Council to become our policy director. Eli also interviewed two women who would play important roles in the campaign. Dee Dee Myers from California became theAnimal oil painting
Floral oil painting
Landscape oil painting
Nude oil painting
Seascape oil painting
Streetscape oil painting
Sunflower oil painting
Still Life oil painting
Artists oil painting
African oil painting
from Washington State, became our political director. She was married to Frank Greer, but that’s not why I hired her. Stephanie was smart, politically astute, and less hard-edged than most of the boys. She provided both the good work and the good chemistry every high-tension effort needs. As the campaign progressed, young people from all over America just showed up to pick up the extra load.
Bob Farmer’s efforts in Massachusetts and with regular Democratic donors who would givejust because he asked them, and donations from friends around the country that helpequalify for matching funds from the federal government. To do that, a candidate must raise $5,000 in each of twenty states, in amounts not exceeding $250 per contribution. In some states, my governor friends took care of it. In Texas, my longtime supporter Truman Arnoraised a much-needed $30,000. Unlike many wealthy people, Truman seemed to becomeven more committed Democrat as he got richer. Somewhat surprisingly, a lot of people in the Washington, D.C., area wanted to help, in particular Democratic lawyer and fund-raiser Vic Raiser and my friend from Renaissance Weekend Tom Schnieder. In New York, I got invaluable early help not only from our friendsHarold Ickes and Susan Thomases but also from Ken Brody, a Goldman Sachs executive who decided he wanted to get heavily involved in Democratic politics for the first time. Ken
was in the wrong place. Then, he said, he had gotten close enough to oil painting
oil paintings
china oil painting
handmade oil paintings
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should trade land for peace; to blacks and Hispanics in Chicago; and to Democratic Party groups in Tennessee, Maine, New Jersey, and California, all of which were considered swing states, meaning they could go either way in the general election. In November, I spokeMemphis to the convention of the Church of God in Christ, America’s fastest-growing black
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ly, even
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speech on April 6 at the University of Texas at Austin for Liz Carpenter, who had been Lady
t a time
s, as to
how we can have a society that fills us up again and makes us feel that we are part of
something bigger than ourselves.” Hillary had been moved to make this argument by reading
proposal offered by Senators John Breaux and David Boren, two conservative Democrats. Senator Robert Byrd, who was handling the proposal, was adamant that if we didn’t bend, wecould break the filibuster. But we couldn’t, and finally admitted defeat on April 21, two daafter Waco. In my first term, the Republicans resorted to the filibuster to an unprecedented extent, thwarting the will of the congressional majority, out of either conviction or a desire to prove that I couldn’t lead. Senator George Mitchell had to have twelve votes to break filibusters just in my first hundred days.American oil painting
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The next Sunday, I flew home again for a couple of days. I wanted to be with my famithough there was nothing to do but wait. The doctor told us that Hugh was essentially braindead. Over the weekend, the family decided to take him off the machine that was breathinfor him, and we all said prayers and good-byes, but Hugh didn’t go for it. His strong old heartjust kept beating. Though I had been able to attend to most of my duties in Arkansas, I had toreturn to Washington on Tuesday. I hated to leave, knowing it was the last time I’d ever see my father-in-law. I loved Hugh Rodham, with his no-nonsense gruffness and fierce familloyalty. I was grateful that he had accepted me into the fold twenty years earlier, when I was scruffy, penniless, and, worst of all, a Democrat. I would miss our pinochle games and political arguments, and just knowing he was around. On April 4, with Hugh still hanging on, Hillary had to return to Washington, too, to get Chelsea back to school after spring break, and to get back to work. She had promised to give a
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showed me winning the debate, but the CNN/USA Todaypoll, the only one to show Perot the
to
ous
ving all
nealogical authority, said that President Bush and I were both descendants of
thirteenth-century English royalty and were distant cousins, at least twenty times removed.
breach that led to the battle of Evesham, in which poor Simon was killed. The spokesman for
hat
to
c.
ers of
ent
dvertising, coupled with President Bush’s
attacks on me, were moving votes to Perot at my expense. On October 26, while campaigning
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victor, said 12 percent had changed their preference after the debate, more than half of them going to Perot. Still, on balance, the debates were good for me. More Americans thought I had the abilitybe a good President, and the give-and-take on the issues allowed me a chance to push my positive proposals. I wish we could have done them for two more weeks. Instead, we headed for the homestretch, a frenzied rush to as many states as possible, with the airwaves full ofnegative ads from my opponents, and a shot against Bush from me featuring his most famstatement: “Read my lips.” Frank Greer and Mandy Grunwald did a good job with our ads, and our rapid-response team answered theirs effectively, but it wasn’t the same as hathe candidates in one room. Now they were coming after me,Michael Jackson paintings
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Our common ancestor was King John. Bush was descended through John’s son King HenryIII, making him Queen Elizabeth’s thirteenth cousin. Appropriately, my royal connections were both less impressive and offset by equally strong democratic ties. My Blythe kinfolk were descendants of both Henry III’s sister Eleanor and her husband, Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, who defeated the king in battle and forced him to accept the most representative parliament up to that time. Alas, in 1265 the king broke his oath to honor the Parliament, a
Burke’s Peerage said that Simon’s body “was hacked into a multitude of pieces, bits being sent out around the country—a finger, perhaps, to a village, a foot to a town—to show whappened to democrats.” Now that I knew that the roots of my differences with the President went back seven hundred years, I suppose I couldn’t blame his campaign for being faithfulthe tactics of his ancestors. Burke’s Peerage also traced the Blythes back to the village of Gotham, which, according to English legend, was a haunt of madmen. I knew I had to be a little crazy to run for President, but I hated to think it was geneti
On October 23, our campaign got another boost from the high-tech sector when the leadmore than thirty computer-software companies, including Microsoft executive vice presidSteve Ballmer, endorsed me. But it wasn’t over. A week after the last debate, a CNN/USA Todaypoll had my lead over President Bush down to seven points, 39 to 32 percent, with Perot at 20 percent. Just as I had feared, Perot’s a
in North Carolina, Al Gore and I tried to keep the lead by hitting American oil painting
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the Bush administration over“Iraqgate,” the channeling of U.S. government–backed credits to Iraq through the Atlantbranch of a bank owned by the Italian government. Ostensibly for agricultural purposes, thcredits had been siphoned off by Saddam Hussein to rebuild his military and weapons program after the Iran-Iraq war. Two billion dollars of the credits were never repaid, leaving U.S. taxpayers with the bill. The banker in Atlanta who was indicted for his role in the fraud negotiated a sweetheart plea bargain with the U.S. attorney’s office, which, unbelieheaded by a Bush appointee who had represented Iraqi interests in the credit flap shortly before his appointment, although he said he had recused himself from this investigation. B
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commitment to bringing Poland into NATO. Walesa had become a hero, and free Poland’s
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with fascination to a heated argument between Mrs. Walesa, a feisty mother of eight chand a legislative leader who was also a potato farmer. She was railing against communismwhile he argued that farmers had been better off under communism than they were today. I thought they were going to come to blows. I tried to help by reminding the legislator that evenunder communism the Polish farms were in private hands; all the Polish Communists had done was to purchase the food and sell it in Ukraine and Russia. He conceded the point, but said he had always had a market and a good price for his crops. I told him he had never been under a completely Communist system like Russia’s, where the farms themselves were collectivized. Then I explained how the American system worked, and how all successful free-market systems also had some form of cooperative m
farmer remained skeptical, and Mrs. Walesa remained adamant. If democracy is about free and unfettered debate, it had certainly taken hold in Poland. My first day at the Naples summit was Michael Jackson paintings
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with North Korea into doubt. The other G-7 member with a big interest in the issue was Japan. There had been tensions between the Japanese and the Koreans for decades, going back before World War II. If North Korea had nuclear weapons, there would be great pressure on Japan to develop a nuclear deterrent, an action that, given their own painful experience, tJapanese did not want to take. The new Japanese prime minister, Tomiichi Murayama, who had become Japan’s first socialist prime minister by joining in a coalition with the Liberal Democratic Party, assured me that our solidarity on North Korea would remain intact. Out of
respect for Kim Il Sung’s death, the Geneva talks were suspended for a month. The most important decisions we made in Naples were to provide an aid package to Ukraine and to include Russia in the political part of all future summits. Bringing Russia into the prestigious circle gave Yeltsin and other reformers pushing for closer ties toAmerican oil painting
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engulfed the town inA.D. 79. We saw wall paintings with colors that had retained their rich texture, including some that were first-century versions of political posters; open-air food stands that were early precursors of today’s fast-food restaurants; and the remains of several bodies remarkably preserved by the ashes, among them a man lying with his hand over the face of his obviously pregnant wife, with two other children beside them. It was a powerful reminder of the fragile and fleeting nature of life. The European trip ended in Germany. Helmut Kohl took us to visit his hometown, Ludwigshafen, before I flew to Ramstein Air Base to see our troops, many of whom would
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ildren,
,
arketing and price supports. The
ent
he
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with fascination to a heated argument between Mrs. Walesa, a feisty mother of eight chand a legislative leader who was also a potato farmer. She was railing against communismwhile he argued that farmers had been better off under communism than they were today. I thought they were going to come to blows. I tried to help by reminding the legislator that evenunder communism the Polish farms were in private hands; all the Polish Communists had done was to purchase the food and sell it in Ukraine and Russia. He conceded the point, but said he had always had a market and a good price for his crops. I told him he had never been under a completely Communist system like Russia’s, where the farms themselves were collectivized. Then I explained how the American system worked, and how all successful free-market systems also had some form of cooperative m
farmer remained skeptical, and Mrs. Walesa remained adamant. If democracy is about free and unfettered debate, it had certainly taken hold in Poland. My first day at the Naples summit was Michael Jackson paintings
Decorative painting
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Impressionism oil painting
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Floral oil painting
Landscape oil painting
Nude oil painting
Seascape oil painting
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with North Korea into doubt. The other G-7 member with a big interest in the issue was Japan. There had been tensions between the Japanese and the Koreans for decades, going back before World War II. If North Korea had nuclear weapons, there would be great pressure on Japan to develop a nuclear deterrent, an action that, given their own painful experience, tJapanese did not want to take. The new Japanese prime minister, Tomiichi Murayama, who had become Japan’s first socialist prime minister by joining in a coalition with the Liberal Democratic Party, assured me that our solidarity on North Korea would remain intact. Out of
respect for Kim Il Sung’s death, the Geneva talks were suspended for a month. The most important decisions we made in Naples were to provide an aid package to Ukraine and to include Russia in the political part of all future summits. Bringing Russia into the prestigious circle gave Yeltsin and other reformers pushing for closer ties toAmerican oil painting
Angel oil painting
Ballet oil painting
Battle and War oil painting
Boats and Ships oil painting
Cartoon oil painting
Chinese style oil painting
Christmas oil painting
Dance oil painting
Family oil painting
Fantasy oil painting
Farming oil painting
Hunting oil painting
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Religion oil painting
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engulfed the town inA.D. 79. We saw wall paintings with colors that had retained their rich texture, including some that were first-century versions of political posters; open-air food stands that were early precursors of today’s fast-food restaurants; and the remains of several bodies remarkably preserved by the ashes, among them a man lying with his hand over the face of his obviously pregnant wife, with two other children beside them. It was a powerful reminder of the fragile and fleeting nature of life. The European trip ended in Germany. Helmut Kohl took us to visit his hometown, Ludwigshafen, before I flew to Ramstein Air Base to see our troops, many of whom would
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e
et
d served in the Israeli Army. Rahm was so aggressive he
made me look laid-back. We made him finance director, a job in which an underfunded
zations,
d require her to handle more incoming fire than she possibly could
have anticipated. Though she was very young, she rose to the challenge. Stephanie Solien,
On the financial front, we made do in the beginning with generous early help from Arkansans,
d me
ld
e an
told
me he had been a Republican because he thought the Democrats had a heart but their head
ught
b
w
ition to money-raising and organizing, I had to reach out to constituencies that were
predominantly Democratic. In October, I spoke to aAmerican oil painting
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Jewish group in Texas, saying that Israel
in
campaign needs an aggressor. Craig Smith went to work on our state campaign organia job better suited to his considerable political skills. Soon Bruce Reed left the Democratic Leadership Council to become our policy director. Eli also interviewed two women who would play important roles in the campaign. Dee Dee Myers from California became theAnimal oil painting
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from Washington State, became our political director. She was married to Frank Greer, but that’s not why I hired her. Stephanie was smart, politically astute, and less hard-edged than most of the boys. She provided both the good work and the good chemistry every high-tension effort needs. As the campaign progressed, young people from all over America just showed up to pick up the extra load.
Bob Farmer’s efforts in Massachusetts and with regular Democratic donors who would givejust because he asked them, and donations from friends around the country that helpequalify for matching funds from the federal government. To do that, a candidate must raise $5,000 in each of twenty states, in amounts not exceeding $250 per contribution. In some states, my governor friends took care of it. In Texas, my longtime supporter Truman Arnoraised a much-needed $30,000. Unlike many wealthy people, Truman seemed to becomeven more committed Democrat as he got richer. Somewhat surprisingly, a lot of people in the Washington, D.C., area wanted to help, in particular Democratic lawyer and fund-raiser Vic Raiser and my friend from Renaissance Weekend Tom Schnieder. In New York, I got invaluable early help not only from our friendsHarold Ickes and Susan Thomases but also from Ken Brody, a Goldman Sachs executive who decided he wanted to get heavily involved in Democratic politics for the first time. Ken
was in the wrong place. Then, he said, he had gotten close enough to oil painting
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should trade land for peace; to blacks and Hispanics in Chicago; and to Democratic Party groups in Tennessee, Maine, New Jersey, and California, all of which were considered swing states, meaning they could go either way in the general election. In November, I spokeMemphis to the convention of the Church of God in Christ, America’s fastest-growing black
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her schools on the way in from the airport, and I thought of how much she had grown up since
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I tried to thank all the Arkansans who had helped me reach this day, beginning with two men
who were no longer living, Judge Frank Holt and Senator Fulbright. I urged the legislators to
keep pushing the federal government to support the states on education, economic
development, health care, and welfare reform. Finally, I told my old friends that I would leave
office in three days grateful that “somehow the mystery of this great democracy gave me the
chance to go from a little boy on South Hervey Street in Hope, Arkansas, to the White House.
. . . I may be the only person ever elected President who owed his election purely to his
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personal friends, without whom I could never have won.” I left my friends and flew home to
finish the job.
The next night, after a day working on last-minute business, I gave a brief farewell address to
the nation from the Oval Office. After thanking the American people for giving me the chance
to serve and briefly summarizing my philosophy and record, I offered three observations
about the future, saying that we should stay on the path to fiscal responsibility; that our
security and prosperity required us to lead in the fight for prosperity and freedom and against
terrorism, organized crime, narco-trafficking, the spread of deadly weapons, environmental
degradation, disease, and global poverty; and finally, that we must continue to “weave the
threads of our coat of many colors into the fabric of one America.”
I wished President-elect Bush and his family well and said I would “leave the presidency
more idealistic, more full of hope than the day I arrived, and more confident than ever that
America’s best days lie ahead.”Paris Street oil painting
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On the nineteenth, my last full day as President, I issued a statement on land mines, saying
that since 1993 the United States had destroyed more than 3.3 million of our own land mines,
spent $500 million to remove land mines in thirty-five countries, and was making a vigorous
effort to find a sensible alternative to mines that would protect our troops as well. I asked the
new administration to continue our global demining effort for ten more years.
When I got back to the residence it was late and we still weren’t completely packed. There
were boxes everywhere, and I still had to decide which clothes were going where—to New
York, Washington, or Arkansas. Hillary and I didn’t want to sleep; we just wanted to keep
strolling from room to room. We felt as honored to be living in the White House on our last
night as we had when we came home after our first inaugural balls. I never ceased to be
thrilled by it all. It seemed almost unbelievable that it had been our home for eight years; now
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I went back into the Lincoln Bedroom, read Lincoln’s handwritten copy of the Gettysburg
Address one last time, and stared at the lithograph of him signing the Emancipation
Proclamation, on the very spot where I was standing. I went into the Queen’s Room and
thought of Winston Churchill spending three weeks there in the difficult days of World War
II. I sat behind the Treaty Table in my office looking at the empty bookshelves and bare walls,
thinking of all the meetings and calls I’d had in that room on Northern Ireland, the Middle
East, Russia, Korea, and domestic struggles. And it was in this room where I read my Bible
and books and letters, and prayed for strength and guidance all through 1998.
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in his archives, only four depict him in his wheelchair. Disabled Americans had come a long
way since then.
I said farewell to New Hampshire in Dover, where almost nine years earlier I had promised to
be with them “’til the last dog dies.” Many of my old supporters were in the audience. I called
several by name, thanked them all, then gave them a full account of the record their hard work
in that long-ago winter had made possible. And I asked them never to forget that, “even
though I won’t be President, I’ll always be with you until the last dog dies.” On the eleventh through the fourteenth, I had parties for the cabinet, the White House staff,
and friends at Camp David. On the night of the fourteenth, Don Henley gave us a wonderful
solo concert after dinner in the Camp David Chapel. The next morning was our family’s last
Sunday in the beautiful chapel, where we had shared many services with the fine young
sailors and marines who staffed the camp and their families. They had even let me sing with
the choir, always leaving the sheet music in Aspen, our family cabin, on Friday or Saturday so
that I could review it in advance.
On Monday, I spoke at the Martin Luther King Jr. holiday celebration at the University of the
District of Columbia. Usually I marked the day by doing some community service work, but I
wanted to take this opportunity to thank the District of Columbia for being my home for eight
years. The D.C. representative in Congress, Eleanor Holmes Norton, and Mayor Tony
Williams were good friends of mine, as were several city council members. I had worked to
help them get needed legislation through Congress and to prevent unduly meddlesome laws
from being enacted. The District still had a lot of problems, but it was in much better
condition than it had been eight years earlier when I took my pre-inaugural walk down
Georgia Avenue.
I also sent my last message to Congress: “The Unfinished Work of Building One America.” It
was based in large part on the final report of the Commission on Race and included a wide
array of recommendations: further steps to close the racial divide in education, health care,
employment, and the criminal justice system; special efforts to help low-income absent
fathers succeed at parenting; new investments for Native American communities; improved
immigration policies; passage of the hate crimes bill; reform of the voting laws; and the
continuation of AmeriCorps and the White House Office on One America. We had made a lot
of headway in eight years, but America was growing more diverse, and there was still much
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On the seventeenth, I held my last ceremony in the East Room, as Bruce Babbitt and I
announced eight more national monuments, two of them along the trail Lewis and Clark
blazed in 1803 with their Indian guide Sacagawea and a slave named York. We had now
protected more land in the lower forty-eight states than any administration since that of
Theodore Roosevelt.
After the announcement, I left the White House on the last trip of my presidency, going home to Little Rock to address the Arkansas legislature. Some of my old pals were still in the state
House or Sen-ate, as were people who had gotten their start in politics working with me and a
few who began by working against me. More than twenty Arkansans who were then serving
or had served with me in Wash-ington joined me that day, as did three of my high school
class-mates who lived in the Washington area, and several Arkansans who had served as my liaisons to the legislature when I was governor. Chelsea came with me, too. We passed two of
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think the others on call came to understand it too.
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The Republicans held their convention in Houston in the third week of August. Normally, the opposition goes underground during the other party’s convention. Though I would followusual practice and keep a low profile, our rapid-response operation would be out in force. It had to be. The Republicans had no choice but to throw the kitchen sink at meAbstract oil painting
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Millard Fuller, a friend of ours from Renaissance Weekend, Habitat uses volunteers to build. They were way behind, and their slash-and-burn approach had worked in every election since 1968, ePresident Carter’s two-point victory in the aftermath of Watergate. We were determined to use the rapid-response team to turn the Republican attacks back on them. On August 17, as their convention opened, I still had a twenty-point lead, and we rained on their parade a little when eighteen corporate chief executives endorsed me. It was a good story, but it didn’t divert the Republicans from their game plan. They started off by calling ma “skirt chaser” and a “draft dodger,” and accused Hillary of wanting to destroy the Americafamily by allowing children to sue their parents whenever they disagreed with parental disciplinary decisions. Marilyn Quayle, the
reading of an article Hillary had written when she was in law school, arguing that, in circumstances of abuse or severe neglect, minor children had legal rights independent of tparents. Almost all Americans would agree with
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they were true or not. The main attraction on the Republicans’ opening night was Pat Buchanan, who sent the delegates into a frenzy with his attacks on me. My favorite lines included his assertion that, while President Bush had presided over the liberation of Eastern Europe, my foreign policy experience was “pretty much confined to having had breakfast once at the International Houseof Pancakes” and his characterization of the Democratic convention as “radicals and liberals . . . dressed up as moderates and centrists in the greatest single exhibition of cross-dressing in American political history.” The polls showed Buchanan hadn’t helped Bush, but I disagreeHis job was to stop the hemorrhaging on the right by telling conservatives who wanted changethat they couldn’t vote for me, and he did it well. The Clinton-bashing continued throughout the convention, with our rapid-response operation firing back. The Reverend Pat Robertson referred to me as “Slick Willie” and said I had a radical plan to destroy the American family. Since I had been for welfare reform before Robertson figured out that God was a right-wing
the anti-family attacks, comparing the Republicans’ treatment of her to their Willie Horton tactics against Dukakis four years earlier. To reinforce our claim that the Republicans were attacking me because all they cared about was holding on to power, while we wanted power to attack America’s problems, Al, Tipper, Hillary, and I had dinner with President and Mrs. Carter on August 18. Then we all spent the next day—both Tipper’s and my birthday—building a house with members of Habit
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policy was to subsidize politically powerful, established interests like oil and agriculture, which were important but which had much less potential than technology to generate njobs and new entrepreneurs. The high-tech leaders’ announcement provided an enormous boost to the campaign, giving credibility to my claim to be pro-business as well as pro-labor, and linking me to the economic forces that most represented positive change and growth.
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Republicans were working hard to tear me down. President Bush, in his convention speech, had accused me of raising taxes 128 times in Arkansas and enjoying it every time. In earlySeptember, the Bush campaign repeated the charge again and again, though theNew York Times said it was “false,” theWashington Post called it highly “exaggerated” and “silly,” aneven theWall Street Journal said it was “misleading.” The Bush list included a requirement that used-car dealers post a $25,000 bond, modest fees for beauty pageants, and a one-dollarcourt cost imposed on convicted criminals. Conservative columnist George Will said that, by the President’s criteria, “Bush has raised taxes more often in four years than Clinton
The Bush campaign devoted most of the rest of September to attacking me on the draft. President Bush said over and over that I should “just tell the truth” about it. Even Dan Quayfelt free to go after me on it, despite the fact that his family connections had gotten him into the National Guard and away from Vietnam. The vice president’s main point seemed to be that the media weren’t giving my case the same critical scrutiny he had received four yearsearlier. Apparently he hadnled Components
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’t followed the news out of New Hampshire and New York. I got some good help in countering the draft attack. In early September, Senator Bob Kerreymy Medal of Honor–winning primary opponent, said it shouldn’t be an issue. Then on the eighteenth, on the back lawn of the Arkansas Governor’s Mansion, I received the endorsement of Admiral Bill Crowe, who had been chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff under President Reagan and briefly under Bush. I was very impressed by Crowe’s straightforward, down-home manner and deeply grateful that he would stick his neck out for someone he barely knew but had come to believe in. The political impact of what Bush and I were doing was uncertain.
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of 9 and 20 percent for me. The basic dynamic of the campaign had been set: Bush claimed to represent family values and trustworthiness, while I was for economic and social change. He said I was untrustworthy and anti-family, while I said he was dividing America and holdingus back. On any given day, a substantial number of voters were torn between which one owas better. Besides the issues dispute, we spent September arguing about the debates. The bipartisan national commission recommended three of them, with different formats. I accepted immediately, but President Bush didn’t like the commission’s debate formats. I claimed his objections were a fig leaf to cover his reluctance to defend his record. The disagreemencontinued for most of the month, which forced all three of the scheduled debates to be canceled. As they were, I went to each of the proposed debate sites to campaign, making surethe disappointed citizens knew who had cost their cities their moment in the national spotlight.
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think the others on call came to understand it too.
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The Republicans held their convention in Houston in the third week of August. Normally, the opposition goes underground during the other party’s convention. Though I would followusual practice and keep a low profile, our rapid-response operation would be out in force. It had to be. The Republicans had no choice but to throw the kitchen sink at meAbstract oil painting
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Millard Fuller, a friend of ours from Renaissance Weekend, Habitat uses volunteers to build. They were way behind, and their slash-and-burn approach had worked in every election since 1968, ePresident Carter’s two-point victory in the aftermath of Watergate. We were determined to use the rapid-response team to turn the Republican attacks back on them. On August 17, as their convention opened, I still had a twenty-point lead, and we rained on their parade a little when eighteen corporate chief executives endorsed me. It was a good story, but it didn’t divert the Republicans from their game plan. They started off by calling ma “skirt chaser” and a “draft dodger,” and accused Hillary of wanting to destroy the Americafamily by allowing children to sue their parents whenever they disagreed with parental disciplinary decisions. Marilyn Quayle, the
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they were true or not. The main attraction on the Republicans’ opening night was Pat Buchanan, who sent the delegates into a frenzy with his attacks on me. My favorite lines included his assertion that, while President Bush had presided over the liberation of Eastern Europe, my foreign policy experience was “pretty much confined to having had breakfast once at the International Houseof Pancakes” and his characterization of the Democratic convention as “radicals and liberals . . . dressed up as moderates and centrists in the greatest single exhibition of cross-dressing in American political history.” The polls showed Buchanan hadn’t helped Bush, but I disagreeHis job was to stop the hemorrhaging on the right by telling conservatives who wanted changethat they couldn’t vote for me, and he did it well. The Clinton-bashing continued throughout the convention, with our rapid-response operation firing back. The Reverend Pat Robertson referred to me as “Slick Willie” and said I had a radical plan to destroy the American family. Since I had been for welfare reform before Robertson figured out that God was a right-wing
the anti-family attacks, comparing the Republicans’ treatment of her to their Willie Horton tactics against Dukakis four years earlier. To reinforce our claim that the Republicans were attacking me because all they cared about was holding on to power, while we wanted power to attack America’s problems, Al, Tipper, Hillary, and I had dinner with President and Mrs. Carter on August 18. Then we all spent the next day—both Tipper’s and my birthday—building a house with members of Habit
Paris Street oil painting
Piano oil painting
Pop art oil painting
Portraits oil painting
Religion oil painting
Romantic oil painting
Sport oil painting
Storefront oil painting
Venice oil painting
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policy was to subsidize politically powerful, established interests like oil and agriculture, which were important but which had much less potential than technology to generate njobs and new entrepreneurs. The high-tech leaders’ announcement provided an enormous boost to the campaign, giving credibility to my claim to be pro-business as well as pro-labor, and linking me to the economic forces that most represented positive change and growth.
Cartoon oil painting
Chinese style oil painting
Christmas oil painting
Dance oil painting
Family oil painting
Fantasy oil painting
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Republicans were working hard to tear me down. President Bush, in his convention speech, had accused me of raising taxes 128 times in Arkansas and enjoying it every time. In earlySeptember, the Bush campaign repeated the charge again and again, though theNew York Times said it was “false,” theWashington Post called it highly “exaggerated” and “silly,” aneven theWall Street Journal said it was “misleading.” The Bush list included a requirement that used-car dealers post a $25,000 bond, modest fees for beauty pageants, and a one-dollarcourt cost imposed on convicted criminals. Conservative columnist George Will said that, by the President’s criteria, “Bush has raised taxes more often in four years than Clinton
The Bush campaign devoted most of the rest of September to attacking me on the draft. President Bush said over and over that I should “just tell the truth” about it. Even Dan Quayfelt free to go after me on it, despite the fact that his family connections had gotten him into the National Guard and away from Vietnam. The vice president’s main point seemed to be that the media weren’t giving my case the same critical scrutiny he had received four yearsearlier. Apparently he hadnled Components
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’t followed the news out of New Hampshire and New York. I got some good help in countering the draft attack. In early September, Senator Bob Kerreymy Medal of Honor–winning primary opponent, said it shouldn’t be an issue. Then on the eighteenth, on the back lawn of the Arkansas Governor’s Mansion, I received the endorsement of Admiral Bill Crowe, who had been chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff under President Reagan and briefly under Bush. I was very impressed by Crowe’s straightforward, down-home manner and deeply grateful that he would stick his neck out for someone he barely knew but had come to believe in. The political impact of what Bush and I were doing was uncertain.
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of 9 and 20 percent for me. The basic dynamic of the campaign had been set: Bush claimed to represent family values and trustworthiness, while I was for economic and social change. He said I was untrustworthy and anti-family, while I said he was dividing America and holdingus back. On any given day, a substantial number of voters were torn between which one owas better. Besides the issues dispute, we spent September arguing about the debates. The bipartisan national commission recommended three of them, with different formats. I accepted immediately, but President Bush didn’t like the commission’s debate formats. I claimed his objections were a fig leaf to cover his reluctance to defend his record. The disagreemencontinued for most of the month, which forced all three of the scheduled debates to be canceled. As they were, I went to each of the proposed debate sites to campaign, making surethe disappointed citizens knew who had cost their cities their moment in the national spotlight.
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the residence staff, the Secret Service, the cabinet, and Al Gore for all they had done to make
my service possible. And I kept my promise to work until the last hour of the last day,
releasing another $100 million to fund more police officers; those new police had helped give
America the lowest crime rate in a quarter century.
Well past midnight, I went back to the Oval Office again to clean up, pack, and answer a few
letters. As I sat alone at the desk, I thought about all that had happened during the last eight
years, and how quickly it would be over. Soon I would observe the transfer of power and take
my leave. Hillary, Chelsea, and I would board Air Force One for a last flight with the fine
crew that had taken us to the far corners of the world; our closest staff members; my new
Secret Service detail; some of the career military staff such as Glen Maes, the navy steward
who baked all my specially decorated birthday cakes, and Glenn Powell, the air force sergeant
who made sure our luggage never got lost; and a few of the folks who “brought me to the
dance”—the Jordans, the McAuliffes, the McLartys, and Harry Thomason.
Several members of the press corps were also scheduled to make the last trip. One of them,
Mark Knoller of CBS Radio, had covered me all eight years and had conducted one of the
many wrap-up interviews I had done in the past several weeks. Mark had asked me if I was
afraid that “the best part of your life is over.” I said I had enjoyed every part of my life and
that in each stage I had been “absorbed, interested, and found something useful to do.”
I was looking forward to my new life, to building my library, doing public service work
through my foundation, supporting Hillary, and having more time for reading, golf, music,
and unhurried travel. I knew I would enjoy myself and believed that if I stayed healthy I could
still do a lot of good. But Mark Knoller had hit a soft spot with his question. I was going to
miss my old job. I had loved being President, even on the bad days.
I thought about the note to President Bush I would write and leave behind in the Oval Office,
just as his father had done for me eight years earlier. I wanted to be gracious and encouraging,
as George Bush had been to me. Soon George W. Bush would be President of all the people,
and I wished him well. I had paid close attention to what Bush and Cheney had said in the
campaign. I knew they saw the world very differently from the way I did and would want to
undo much of what I had done, especially on economic policy and the environment. I thought
that they would pass their big tax cut and that before long we would be back to the big deficits
of the 1980s, and in spite of Bush’s encouraging comments on education and AmeriCorps, he
would feel pressure to cut back on all domestic spending, including education, child care,
after-school programs, police on the streets, innovative research, and the environment. But
those were not my calls to make anymore.
I thought that the international partnerships that we had developed in the aftermath of the
Cold War could be strained by the more unilateral approach of the Republicans—they were
opposed to the test ban treaty, the climate change treaty, the ABM Treaty, and the
International Criminal Court.
I had watched the Washington Republicans for eight years and imagined that President Bush
would, from the outset of his term, be under pressure to abandon compassionate conservatism
by the more right-wing leaders and interest groups now in control of his party. They believed in their way as deeply as I believed in mine, but I thought the evidence, and the weight of
history, favored our side. LED high power
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I couldn’t control what happened to my policies and programs; few things are permanent in
politics. Nor could I affect the early judgments on my so-called legacy. The history of
America’s move from the end of the Cold War to the millennium would be written and
rewritten over and over. The only thing that mattered to me about my presidency was whether
I had done a good job for the American people in a new and very different era of global
interdependence.
Had I helped to form a “more perfect union” by widening the circle of opportunity, deepening
the meaning of freedom, and strengthening the bonds of community? I had certainly tried to
make America the twenty-first century’s leading force for peace and prosperity, freedom and
security. I had tried to put a more human face on globalization by urging other nations to join
us in building a more integrated world of shared responsibilities, shared benefits, and shared
values; and I had tried to lead America through its transition into this new era with a sense of
hope and optimism about what we could do, and a sober sense of what the new forces of
destruction could do to us. Finally, I had tried to build a new progressive politics rooted in
new ideas and old values, and to support like-minded movements around the world. No matter
how many of my specific initiatives the new administration and its congressional majority
might undo, I believed that if we were on the right side of history, the direction I had taken
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On my last night in the now-barren Oval Office, I thought of the glass case I had kept on the
coffee table between the two couches, just a few feet away. It contained a rock Neil
Armstrong had taken off the moon in 1969. Whenever arguments in the Oval Office heated up
beyond reason, I would interrupt and say, “You see that rock? It’s 3.6 billion years old. We’re
all just passing through. Let’s calm down and go back to work.”
That moon rock gave me a whole different perspective on history and the proverbial “long
run.” Our job is to live as well and as long as we can, and to help others to do the same. What
happens after that and how we are viewed by others is beyond our control. The river of time
carries us all away. All we have is the moment. Whether I had made the most of mine was for
others to judge. It was almost dawn when I returned to the residence to do some more packing
and share some private moments with Hillary and Chelsea.
The next morning, I returned to the Oval Office to write my note to President Bush. Hillary
came down, too. We gazed out the windows to take a long, admiring look at the beautiful
grounds where we had shared so many memorable times and I had thrown countless tennis
balls to Buddy. Then she left me to write my letter. As I placed the letter on the desk, I called
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there to capture the moment. John Podesta walked with me down the colonnade to join
Hillary, Chelsea, and the Gores on the state floor, where we would soon greet our successors.
The entire residence staff had gathered to say good-bye—the housekeeping staff, the kitchen
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